Ireland, claims Joyce's Mr Deasy, has the honour of being the only country which never persecuted the Jews. Yet it is an empty boast, as it turns out the bigoted Deasy has a punchline: "She never let them in."
As we look at police violence in the United States and elsewhere, there can be a tendency towards self-congratulation here: we have a largely unarmed police force, and death at the hands of the Gardaí is a rare occurrence. We have a self-image of ourselves as a tolerant, welcoming people. We were victims of colonialism, not perpetrators. Far-right parties have not (yet ) gained a significant foothold in the country. And yet.
In 2004, the 27th amendment to the constitution, reversing the entitlement to citizenship of those born in the country, was passed with 80 per cent support, on foot of a moral panic fuelled by fear of the 'wrong type' of immigrant. As Brexit has unfolded, stories of British residents searching out an 'Irish granny' to secure an Irish passport, and continued entitlement to live and work in the EU, have garnered shakes of the head and wry smiles. Meantime, we have Irish-born children who must jump through convoluted steps to prove they have 'enough' residency to petition for naturalisation.
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If you talk to any Irish person of colour, they will have stories of bullying, random name-calling, and stalking. Having expressed shock at the repeated instances of institutionalised abuse and brutality in a succession of residential settings - from Magdalene Laundries, to industrial schools, to mother and baby homes - we have now had the direct provision system in Ireland for 21 years.
'In Galway, that the term 'Rahoonery' was coined to describe the disgraceful attitude of this city towards the Traveller population'
Recent stories have drawn attention to the disgraceful state of some of these centres - crowded, in poor condition, non-family members housed together - but the underlying feature of the system is the root problem: families and individuals, housed for years on end, without access to cooking facilities or appropriate space to relax or to entertain. And now, in the context of COVID-19 - which has hit institutional settings so hard - insufficient space to self-isolate and protect oneself and others.
Bigotry towards Travellers
Bigotry towards Travellers has long been widely accepted - we should not forget, in Galway, that the term 'Rahoonery' was coined to describe the disgraceful attitude of residents (and political representatives ) of this city towards the Traveller population, which included protests against the housing of Travellers, barricades, and more.
Insider is old enough to remember bingo halls in this city openly banning Travellers from participating, and even with anti-discrimination legislation, numerous tactics are still deployed to exclude, or make unwelcome, Travellers from cafés, shops, and bars.
'Some will argue that past intolerance resulted from a naiveté, a feature of our overwhelming homogeneity. That sidesteps the bigotry exhibited towards Travellers, as well as myriad examples of misogyny and religious strife'
The familiar response of bigots everywhere is deployed when challenged: "Ah, but if you knew them like I do. They're different." Ireland can be a place of contradictions.
On the international stage, we have a strong history of solidarity with the victims of colonialism and white supremacy. Yet when it comes closer to home, we are much more willing to sweep inequality under the rug, to look away from bigotry, to wish away the 180 Irish residents who were compensated for lost 'assets' when slavery was abolished. Some will argue that past intolerance resulted from a naiveté, a feature of our overwhelming homogeneity. Whatever the truth of that - and it sidesteps both the bigotry exhibited towards Travellers, as well as myriad examples of misogyny and religious strife - there is no excuse now.
Black, Traveller, and Immigrant Lives Matter
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The topography may be different; the solutions may differ; but the strategies are the same: watch and listen; learn to identify problematic behaviour and systems; call them out. Take action to improve where you can; demand it of others. We must not be afraid to acknowledge that Black Lives Matter - and we should recognise that in the Irish context, we have a duty also to say that Traveller Lives Matter, Immigrant Lives Matter.
This is not to dilute one cry for justice, or see all injustice as interchangeable, but to recognise that the urgent injustices we can take responsibility for - can take action to change - as a society, include those faced by those groups. So, what action can we take?
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Labour has proposed, last week, five steps the incoming government could take immediately to demonstrate commitment to tackling systemic racism in Ireland, including extending SUSI grants to those living in direct provision; regularisation of undocumented migrants; and extending the right to work for asylum seekers - including removing barriers such as the current RSA policy of refusing to issue driver's licenses to asylum seekers.
While the ethnic status of Travellers is now recognised - something Labour TD Aodhán Ó Ríordáin was instrumental in laying the groundwork for as minister - we need to translate that into action by passing the Traveller Culture and History in Education Bill. The Government can legislate for citizenship for children born here, without requiring any Constitutional change. Each of these can be implemented quickly, and without significant immediate costs. Committing immediately to these actions will indicate the Government understands the zeitgeist, and understands our need, as a State, to do better.
Abolish direct provision
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There are other things that must be done too, which will require leadership and the commitment of adequate resources. As both Labour and the Irish Network Against Racism have advocated, we need a new national action plan on racism - it is now 12 years since the previous plan was allowed to expire. We need to abolish direct provision, and replace it with a humane reception system, one that upholds human rights and the dignity of children and families.
We need a Traveller accommodation strategy that ensures the same for our Minceir neighbours - it is a scandal that, 51 years on from the coining of Rahoonery, we still have significantly substandard sites, and no concrete plans of timelines for addressing the issue.
As Angela Davis says, "In a racist society, it is not enough to be non-racist – we must be antiracist."
We are in unusual times - the incoming government (whenever it arrives! ) will face overlapping challenges on healthcare, the economy, climate change, and - yes - social justice. Insider is not optimistic: neither the Green Party nor Fianna Fáil make mention of Traveller accommodation in their manifestos or housing policies. Neither Fine Gael nor Fianna Fáil propose any significant change in housing for asylum seekers.
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Fine Gael and Sinn Féin look to extend voting rights to the diaspora, while ignoring the cohort of Irish-born (and resident ) children who will soon become disenfranchised adults, but, as Leonard Cohen wrote, "there is a crack in everything; that's how the light gets in."
Fianna Fáil should recognise that calls for 'migrant integration' would be more successful if we de-institutionalise asylum seeker accommodation, and expand access to citizenship; Fine Gael's current, rather milquetoast, call for local authorities to fulfil their obligations to provide Traveller housing would have proper teeth if, instead of washing their hands of the issue, the Department (and Minister ) for Housing were to make enforcement a priority, accompanied by strategic coordination at national level.
When it comes to tackling racism and bigotry, as with so much else, we must as individuals continually look inward, with humility, acknowledge our shortcomings and reflect on how we can do better. As Angela Davis says, "In a racist society, it is not enough to be non-racist – we must be antiracist."
