"The conversation around Irish Unity is well underway, it's time for the Government to start preparing and taking an active role in this conversation. Preparation for a Unity Referendum must begin now. The discussion on unity is to the forefront of political discourse. We are living in the most exciting decade of Irish political change. This generation has the chance to build an inclusive republic on our island. A new constitutional settlement with self determination at its core is both achievable and necessary” - Sinn Féin Galway West TD Mairéad Farrell
How many times do we come across a news item that bothers us, or feel strongly about some matter, and then shrug our shoulders, thinking it is beyond ourselves to do or change anything?
We all feel powerless at times, and this feeling is even more prevalent watching and reading news today. Recent constitutional referenda, however, show us that change can be affected by popular support. Our Constitution has an inbuilt mechanism for national plebiscites whenever the demand is there. The people, not the parliament, can have power ultimately.
This is exactly what happened in the whole of Ireland, all 32 counties, following the signing of the Belfast Agreement in 1998. The majority of Irish people expressed the wish to move forward following an armed struggle that was the latest symptom of a political event which occurred 100 years ago: Partition.
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The partition of Ireland in 1921, later cemented in the Anglo-Irish Treaty, was met with different reactions by the various political strands at the time: Pro-Treatyites considered it a temporary solution, adopting Michael Collins’ “stepping stone to full freedom” line.
Republicans viewed the Treaty as a complete betrayal of the 32-County Republic that the democratically elected First Dáil had ratified, and of the War for Independence that followed. Partition meant there was still unfinished business.
For Unionists, it would be a permanent settlement: their own statelet, ‘Northern Ireland’ to themselves, without regard for the (now regional minority ) nationalist population who would suffer extreme discrimination; a situation that eventually backfired in 1968/69. From the start, partition was unworkable long-term.
Border poll
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Jim Ward.
The ‘Border’ issue remained the Elephant in the Room for Irish politics over most of the past century. It had a detrimental effect on the island. Campaigns to end partition surfaced, both peaceful and militarily. All Southern Irish political parties claim Irish Unity as an aim – it belongs to no one political party.
With Brexit, changing demographics in the North, and a newer politics in the South, as a nation we have now reached another sort of bar of history.
Sinn Féin is actively campaigning for a Border Poll on full Irish Unity to take place sooner rather than later, and we encourage healthy engagement with all individuals and groups who are concerned about making this happen.
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There is, in fact, a mechanism to enact the change required here: the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 provides for a Border Poll whenever a Secretary-of-State for Northern Ireland decides the time is right. Both Irish and British Governments are co-guarantors of this Agreement, a legal international treaty. Although some argue that Ireland’s right to full sovereignty is, and always has been, indefeasible and needs no vote to validate it, the hard reality is that partition happened, and was allowed fester for so long.
It was Sinn Féin negotiators at the GFA talks who secured the Repeal of the Government of Ireland Act, the British Act which originally copper fastened partition. For Republicans, Irish unity can now be worked for under different circumstances. There is now a template for peaceful reunification, previously denied.
Not just republicans
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Irish reunification is not solely the preserve of dedicated Irish republicans anymore – it concerns us all. Everybody is a stakeholder in this future – Irish people North and South, the ‘new Irish’ who have chosen to live here, groups and organisations, English-speaking, Irish-speaking. It has been provided for following decades of conflict.
We recognise that, as before in the recent referenda, the people have the power to achieve this. The Irish Government has an obligation to listen to the voice of the people, and to persuade their British counterparts to act on their responsibility as agreed under the Good Friday Agreement and move on a Border Poll. This will mean everybody being involved in real, active, participatory democracy to enact this momentous change in lobbying for a poll – nobody should feel excluded: the historic goal of a new Ireland of Equals is now achievable.
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A United Ireland will not be simply an extension of the 26-County state. Irish nationalism isn’t an all-conquering, jingoistic nationalism like others. Irish nationalism, being the nationalism of a dispossessed people, historically, seeks to find common ground to unite all Irish people. Any United Ireland, though, must be a Sovereign Independent State for a free people, and not having the ‘slave mentality’ we so often see, most recently in urging Uachtarán na hÉireann, Michael D Higgins, to commemorate partition and the sectarian statelet under the guise of ‘reconciliation’ - an attempt often used before to somehow make partition ‘normal’ and Southern leaders compliant with, even giving approval to the sectarian statelet.
Dep Mairéad Farrell spoke in the Dáil about the urgency of a referendum on Irish Unity in light of the fact that the British Government indicated it will break the terms of the Agreement - it would not be the first time they reneged on international obligations.
Flags and emblems
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Economically, the North was once an industrial powerhouse. Now it only contributes two per cent of the UK’s GDP and is in decline. Britain benefited from EEC/EU membership, but the North was effectively starved of European monies, whereas the South benefited enormously from European membership. Southern GDP is almost eight times that of the North. In a unified Ireland, the region would benefit generously from inward investment and funds.
Some commentators have thrown out red herrings in this debate, like the national flag question. Of course the flag would represent the nature of the unified state. Our current flag is a republican tricolour, modelled after the French tricolour – like France, we claim to be a republic. We are not a monarchy nor do we have any ‘Pretenders’ to any throne. Let’s just note the colours of the flag – Green and Orange, separated by White for peace – are highly symbolic.
Commemorating those Irishmen who served in British Forces like the RIC is another effort to confuse the situation. As a democracy, people and groups may certainly remember, respect, and commemorate their own. The question of whether the official State should be involved is another matter.
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I’m not aware of any nation that commemorates those who fought against it in the first place. That is why it is so controversial in the South now. If Britain was their paymaster, why should an Independent Ireland organise official commemorations?
Getting back to flags; both the Irish Provincial flag of Ulster and the flag of the Northern State have one thing in common – the Red Hand. The ancient legend being the first hand to touch the land owned it and it was a bloody, severed hand that won. Looking ahead, let’s have no more bloodied hands claiming this part of the country.
For one hundred years now, Irish reunification has occupied a space in the Irish political psyche, always simmering in the background. It has not gone away despite what some people wished. Ireland is Ireland – not 26 Counties, not six.
The Campaign for Irish Unity involves all Irish people coming on board. We are each empowered to play our part now, as Bobby Sands said, no matter how small. Years of sacrifice have gotten us a workable template to achieve Irish unity, enshrined in an International treaty for the first time ever, since our country was unjustly divided. We should all be conscious of this moment and all responsible for making it happen.
Jim Ward is the PRO of Galway Sinn Féin.
