Last Saturday, the Citizens' Assembly published its recommendations on gender equality, which are an impressive set of worthy proposals for constitutional and legislative changes.
It recommends replacing the archaic 'women in the home' section in the Bunreacht with a gender-neutral commitment to support carers; expanding parental leave entitlements; and setting progressive targets for gender balance in a range of settings.
The assembly recognised the ways in which worker rights and women's rights are intertwined, proposing the minimum wage be transformed into a living wage, as 55 per cent of those on minimum wage in Ireland are women. As we approach the international celebration of workers' rights on Saturday, May Day, it is helpful to be reminded of the ways in which our various struggles are part of a tapestry, weaving together a protective blanket, or safety net, depending on your metaphor of choice.
The need for a living wage
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The Irish Congress of Trade Unions has been advocating a living wage for some time now. For those unfamiliar with the concept, it seeks to estimate what people need to live in dignity, in Ireland today. A basket of goods is identified - rent, food, clothing, transport, etc - and average costs established. Add up the costs, and we know the minimum people should earn from a full-time job - just as a minimum wage sets a floor for hourly pay at present, a living wage sets a floor for weekly or monthly pay.
Crucially, living wage models, while basic, do not just set a floor that allows survival - they are meant to foster social inclusion and dignity, to reflect a "socially acceptable minimum standard of living". So they might reflect the fact that basic access to communication - a phone, an internet connection - are necessary to be able to function in society.
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While unions have been campaigning for a living wage in Ireland for quite some time - presenting their first projections in 2014 - the concept has gained renewed momentum during the pandemic, as the crucial work of 'frontline' workers in low-paid sectors like retail has been newly recognised. Just last month, Leo Varadkar - who had previously overseen a risible 10c increase in the minimum wage - expressed support for moving to a living wage in the lifetime of this government.
'Part of the problem, of course, in Ireland is the political instinct to provide services and benefits only to the extent it inconveniences neither capital nor taxpayers'
The pandemic has also focused attention on some of the other gaps in our worker protections - and the willingness of Varadkar's Fine Gael, and others, to let them continue. The fact we do not have access to sick pay for workers was noted by many as one of the factors that led some workers to mask symptoms, resulting in outbreaks in various workplaces, particularly in the low-paid meat processing sector.
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The Labour Party proposed a bill to introduce a statutory entitlement to sick pay, which would not only have been of direct benefit to the many workers - largely low-paid - who lack benefits at present, but would also have helped protect us all during the pandemic, and beyond. The Government long-fingered it, pushing it back by six months for 'consultation'. The proposed measure from the Government looks set to introduce a very minimal scheme, introducing a 'floor' of two weeks' benefit, with a monetary cap on the amount required to be covered.
Part of the problem, of course, in Ireland is the political instinct to provide services and benefits only to the extent it inconveniences neither capital nor taxpayers. So we get an entitlement to parental leave - but guaranteed at a level that makes it unaffordable to many who are just scraping by; the sick leave proposals from Varadkar that will still incentivise workers to mask (possibly infectious ) symptoms. One Fine Gael councillor opined against the Citizens' Assembly proposal for the introduction of a publicly-funded model of childcare with the #AccidentallySocialist truism that "European level public services = European level taxes".
Funding the measures
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Yes, spending must be paid for - and recurring expenditure should be funded from taxes rather than borrowing or windfall pots of money. Any honest, and successful, engagement with the public is grounded in this acknowledgement - and in its partner: that the benefits from provision of quality public services outweigh the costs.
A quality childcare service, for example, will support child welfare; will provide certainty for parents, and enable them to participate in the workforce and in society; and will support those who work in the sector. Crucially, a comprehensive system of public services benefits us all - and while we will each be able to identify particular services that we do not use directly at this point in our lives, there are others we will be net beneficiaries of, both directly and indirectly.
So let us celebrate and introduce a comprehensive system of public services - what better way to celebrate our continued place in the European Union? And let us imagine new ways of arranging our lives, at work and in society.
A vision for the future of work
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A vision for the future of work, and how the State can foster a new social contract that changes the power balance between workers and management, must be ambitious. Labour's Ged Nash has already started the conversation about the possibilities of the four-day week - the two-day weekend is, of course, a modern innovation, won by worker and union pressure, as part of the move towards the 40-hour working week.
'As part of the path towards rebalancing the amount of time we spend in work, we could start by adding two new public holidays, to bring us up to European levels'
Studies show that, in many areas, there is little impact on productivity from moving to a four-day model (or, rather, that workers produce the same value for employers, over a shorter period of time ). It is challenging, of course - while some sectors lend themselves to changing work patterns (as we have realised through our involuntary experiments with 'work from home' ), others are very much tied to availability for particular blocks of time.
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Both emerging technologies and increases in productivity can be leveraged to move towards new working models, offering greater freedom and flexibility to workers. As part of the path towards rebalancing the amount of time we spend in work, we could start by adding two new public holidays, to bring us up to European levels.
Insider is reminded of the first time Labour sought to add May Day as a public holiday, in the 1970s. On that occasion, Fine Gael could not countenance celebrating International Workers' Day, so they offered the compromise of a holiday almost exactly six months off from it, and the October Bank Holiday was born. Labour did succeed in introducing the May Day holiday in 1993 - and Insider will be raising a toast to workers, and worker rights, this weekend.
The benefits of working from home
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While many corporations are reversing declarations of last year, and rushing to return their employees to the office, the option of working from home has the potential to support flexible working arrangements, enabling many workers to balance caring and other responsibilities - but only if the proper protections are put in place for workers.
Surveillance - including automated monitoring - must be regulated to ensure dignity and privacy for employees in their own homes; the right to switch off - the subject of a recent public meeting hosted by Galway Labour, with Senator Marie Sherlock - must be legislated for.
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Employers must also provide the supports workers need, ensuring this is not a way to transfer costs (for office supplies, energy, and more ) from employers to workers. Most of all, workers must have genuine choices as to whether or not they wish to work from home (or, indeed, whether they wish to split their time between work and office ).
Insider is also convinced that as we look to unwind the emergency regulations associated with the pandemic, we must protect workers and the vulnerable. Rather than - as the Government did - allowing the eviction ban to expire, which will force more families onto the streets and into emergency accommodation, we should be ending the suspension of redundancy entitlements. We must overhaul our industrial relations systems, and introduce a right to bargain, ensuring workers can properly benefit from their right to join a union. Ní neart go cur le chéile.
